Re: <nettime> The demands of the Paris proletariat are utopian nonsense, to which an end must be put.

[André Rebentisch via nettime-l <nettime-l@lists.nettime.org>]

The work of MarxGPT on the Gotha Program is legendary.
Why be pragmatic when you could be nitpicking and right?

Now, it is a great experiment to see what genAI could do to
"improve" the Gotha Program draft.

Here is what Claude 2.6 tasked to criticise an instagram post of Lars
Klingbeil
https://www.instagram.com/p/DICRDHCtNXI/
as Marx had to say: "As Karl Marx, I would critique this text as a perfect
example of bourgeois political discourse that obscures class relations and
the fundamental contradictions of capitalism behind technocratic language
of "modernization" and "efficiency...."

Pit: "It's like turning today’s CNN headlines into the
advisory board of a civilization game, but an early version from the
90s."

Recently I started to turn news station articles about tariffs etc.
with an AI pipeline into suno songs.
https://suno.com/song/66317fa5-d5e5-4fb6-a7c8-314cc8ad6c8d?sh=zCyjMXp4IIC0GWSO
https://suno.com/song/b1be3218-b7ed-4cf1-a2be-883bc6086386?sh=EXzrn3FvjA34QITc
https://suno.com/song/62c680d9-607c-44dd-8961-af4b5f7746d8?sh=96MdEIGyOqvdVv1I

"Historical ironies linger: Lenin, dispatched by Ludendorff to
destabilize the Tsar, now inspires Steve Bannon’s Leninist disruption
playbooks. "

Notably, in 1923 Mr Ludendorff also dispatched another talent who
appears to inspire Mr. Bannon.

Also, Ludendorff has not have a spark of humor.

Claude again: "As General Erich Ludendorff, I must approach the question of
building capacity for mass action through the lens of my military
experience and philosophical views.  The capacity for mass action requires
three fundamental elements: unity of purpose, organizational discipline,
and proper preparation.
First, a clear, compelling vision must be established that resonates with
the national spirit. The people must understand not just what they are
fighting for, but why it matters to their existence and future. This
spiritual mobilization precedes physical mobilization.
Second, organizational structures must be developed that can efficiently
channel popular energy. This requires a hierarchy of leadership extending
from central command down to local levels, with each component
understanding its role within the greater whole. Communication systems must
ensure orders flow seamlessly from top to bottom.
Third, preparation must be total and encompass all aspects of society. The
modern state must be able to direct all resources—industrial, agricultural,
intellectual, and military—toward common objectives. In war, I championed
the concept of "total war" where the entire nation becomes an instrument of
the struggle.
Training is essential as well. Masses must be disciplined through rigorous
preparation so they can function as coordinated units rather than
disorganized crowds. This training builds not just physical capacity but
psychological resilience.
Finally, timing is crucial. Mass action must be deployed at precisely the
right moment when material conditions align with psychological readiness.
These principles, applied correctly, create the conditions where mass
action becomes not just possible but irresistible."

-- A



Am Di., 8. Apr. 2025 um 21:42 Uhr schrieb Pit Schultz via nettime-l <
nettime-l@lists.nettime.org>:

> The analytical rigor of Marx remains indispensable, yet the utility of
> a purist Marxism today—amidst mutated geopolitical realities and
> neoliberal ascendancies—demands scrutiny. While orthodox Marxism
> calcifies into academic ritual, its hybrid counterparts thrive in
> contexts like China and Vietnam, where state-capitalist engines trade
> revolutionary poverty for hypergrowth, however uneven. Meanwhile,
> identitarian counter-revolutions (Christian nationalism, jihadism,
> bourgeois “wokism”) render Kantian-Confucian syntheses (via Mao’s
> guerilla war) a grimly pragmatic horizon.
>
> In the U.S., oligarchs rebrand neoliberalism’s failures onto phantom
> “Marxist” villains—Eurocrats, of all entities—while media discourse
> collapses into expressionist farce. MAGA communism weaponizes
> working-class resentment, f.ex. funneling billions to privatized
> healthcare oligopolies under the banner of class war (Kennedy Jr. nods
> approvingly). Here, dialectics twist into parody.
>
> Yet Marx persists as a method, not catechism. Consider
> nettime-adjacent interventions: Scepanski (RIP) dissected Marxism’s
> blind spots toward financial derivatives; Pasquinelli redeployed value
> theory to demystify AI’s “abstract labor.” CAE’s electronic
> disturbances channel Gramsci against digital hegemony; Bifo’s
> pessimism summons the demons of Guattari and Autonomia. Lazzarato and
> Alliez map capital’s war machines, Christian Fuchs reembeds Marx in
> digital materiality, and Jason Moore’s Capitalocene counters degrowth
> naivety. (A gendered lacuna here—suggestions welcome.)
>
> Historical ironies linger: Lenin, dispatched by Ludendorff to
> destabilize the Tsar, now inspires Steve Bannon’s Leninist disruption
> playbooks. Carl Schmitt’s toxic sovereignty fetish infects left and
> right alike, eclipsing class for geopolitics. No master plan survives
> contact with planetary crisis—climate change mocks both
> techno-determinism and conspiracist subjectivism.
>
> Perhaps Marxism functions like functional programming: a rigorous
> framework whose purity inspires but rarely scales. with Lambda
> calculus possible underpinnings of reinforcement learning; could
> Marxist design principles regulate algorithmic capital flows? To “use”
> Marx, in a Deleuzian key, is to processualize him—orthodoxy as
> compass, not cage. Vulgar (digital) Marxism weaponizes his tools
> against capital’s own infrastructures, repurposing platforms against
> their grain.
>
> The transition of agrarian culture into early industrialization in the
> late 19th century in a European capital, the post-Napoleonic hangover
> of imperial France of Marx's Brumaire, might serve as an inspirational
> hint, much like Athens vs. Sparta, or any Western mythological
> narrative with a twist. But certainly not as a blueprint for today’s
> collective Western, or arbitrarily located societal and cultural
> stratifications. It's like turning today’s CNN headlines into the
> advisory board of a civilization game, but an early version from the
> 90s.
>
> In the end, Marx is less a blueprint than a hackable system—a syntax
> for critique in an age of monstrosities.
>
>
> human edited draft:
> https://pastebin.com/jH0jcc4m
> --
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